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Exhibit № 34. Christopher Gould, London, Circa 1697

Exhibit № 34. Christopher Gould, London, Circa 1697

An exceedingly fine and important William III full Grande Sonnerie ‘mulberry’ veneered longcase clock. The ‘special’ Type 2 case attributed to Tompion’s casemaker

£245,000


Height

8 foot 4½ inches (2544 mm)

Case

The case in ‘mulberry’ veneers (burr field maple, treated with nitric acid and lamp-black) inlaid with cross-banded Princes wood, framed by ebony and boxwood lines onto an oak carcass, and of Tompion’s ‘special’ Type 2 format, with a dial door and no mask, and transitional forward sliding hood. The four-sided caddy top, with ‘Regal’ flat front-and-back bell-shaped upstand, surmounted by a pedestal with brass urn and flame finial and flanked by two matching pedestals and finials. The cross-grain cornice moulding above a frieze with fine pierced wood sound frets, supported by brass-capped Doric three-quarter columns flanking the hood door, with matching quarter columns to the rear hood uprights. The hood resting on concave throat mouldings, above the rectangular trunk door with spectacular veneers, Princes wood cross-banding and cross-grain half-round frame. The trunk door surround and sides all with matching inlays, the cross-grain cyma-block base moulding, crowning the similarly cross-banded and veneered plinth, raised on a matching single skirting.

Dial

The 12 inch (305 mm) lacquer-gilt brass dial with double-wheatear engraved border signed centrally within, Christop=Gould Londini Fecit, along the lower edge, and strike control, S/N, also within at XII. The silvered chapter ring with inner quarter divisions, Roman hours and fleur-de-lys half-hour marks, the outer division ring with every Arabic minute shown outside. The matted centre with seconds ring below XII, engraved and chamfered calendar aperture above VI, and ring-turned winding holes. Elaborate winged cherub and foliate spandrels, very finely pierced and shaped fancy blued steel hands, the hour with a pierced boss centre, and four pinned dial feet.

Movement

The massive rectangular movement with nine pinned finned baluster pillars, going train with anchor escapement, backplate pallet cut-out, and one second pendulum with lenticular brass bob; the quarter train governed by a rack and snail and striking on six graduated quarter bells mounted on a horizontal bell-stand with shaped quarter hammer and spring assembly, both bridging the plates in Tompion’s format, the rack and snail hour train striking on the larger bell mounted above. The whole strike silenced via a lever through the dial at XII. Three brass cased weights, the quarter weight later extended.

Duration

8 Days

Provenance

Private collection UK;
Anthony Woodburn, 2001, sold for £185,000;
The John C Taylor Collection, inventory no.73

Literature

Dawson, Drover & Parkes, Early English Clocks, 1982, p.214, 215 & 288, pl.287, 288, 398 & 399 (illus.);
Antiquarian Horology, Autumn 1989, Winterton, ‘English Grande Sonnerie Clocks’, p.309;
Horological Masterworks, 2003, (illus.) p.200-203;
Huygens’ Legacy, 2004, (illus.) p.248-9

Escapement

Anchor with one second pendulum

Strike Type

Rack and snail full Grande Sonnerie

Exhibited

2003, Oxford & Liverpool, Horological Masterworks, exhibit no.45;
2004, Holland, Paleis Het Loo, Huygens’ Legacy, exhibit no.85

Christopher Gould (active from 1682, died 1718)
It is not known when, where or to whom Gould was born, but a clue may be given by an apprentice he took later, Charles Gould in 1701, who may have been a relation and was from Middlemarsh in Dorset, the son of a blacksmith. Gould’s first entry into the Clockmakers’ was as a Free brother in 1682, presumably by redemption, and named as a Great (Turret) clockmaker which, like his possible relation, hints at a smithing background. Gould’s known signed work is of invariably of high quality, as is testified by this exceptional longcase clock. By 1701, he was working near the north east corner of the Royal exchange. He was made Beadle in 1713 and from that time he received regular Clockmakers’ charity (pension) until he died in 1718, when his wife was chosen as pensioner in his place. Loomes states that it seems strange that such a prolific and competent worker should have been such a poor man, but this may have been the result of a long term illness, perhaps similar to his contemporary and close neighbour, Daniel Quare, for whom he may well have worked and whose eyesight suffered in latter years. A correspondent in the Ipswich Journal of March 1756, wrote that he was once in Quare’s shop, while I was discoursing with the Master of it, about a small Improvement in Watches, not in the Movement Part, but in the striking … but Quare could not take it well, having just then lost his Sight. In contrast, Quare had accumulated both wealth and a widespread reputation, and his affliction may have been a primary reason for taking on a business partner, Stephen Horseman, in c.1717/18, which enabled his business to continue and prosper while he was alive, despite his condition.

Gould’s exceptional Grande Sonnerie longcase
This highly complex and magnificently cased clock by Christopher Gould is exemplary; the full Grande Sonnerie movement is his masterstroke, while the case is about as fine and impressive as one can find at this period. The high cost and inherent risk of making such a magnificent clock on spec, means it could only have been borne as a specially ordered commission and, very clearly, no expense was spared by Gould’s patron, so much so, that in the Huygens’ Legacy catalogue of 2003, this clock is described as having a case surpassing Tompion.

Adam Bowett explains the process of achieving a ‘mulberry’ finish in Furniture History, vol. XXXIX, 2003, ‘Labeled Furniture from the White Swan Workshop (1711-1735)’: ‘This technique involved the cutting of the roots of the field maple tree into veneers, laying the veneers down onto the carcase and then pouring sulphuric acid onto the veneers to open up the grain. With the grain open a mixture of soot and oil was rubbed into the grain to obtain the desired marbleised effect. The veneer was then sealed with a polish and waxed. It was generally thought that the desire for a marbleised effect arose as a result of people seeing, on the Grand Tour, the fashion of the Italian cabinet makers of making furniture out of marble.’

Thus the comment from Huygens’ Legacy is quite understandable and, taken together with elements of the movement, one wonders whether Gould might have had sight of one of Tompion’s Grande Sonnerie longcase clocks? As one would expect, Gould’s movement is constructed using his own layout and techniques; from differently ordered trains and Strike/Silent facility above XII, down to the basics such as the nine pinned pillars holding the plates. Nonetheless, Gould’s handling of the bridged stand for the six quarter-bells and its multi-piece hammer assembly with cusp shaping is similar enough to Tompion’s movements to question whether it was designed completely ‘by chance’. However, only three surviving Tompion Grande Sonnerie longcases are currently recorded; nos. 131, 275 and 387 (see p.178). On the face of it, it could conceivably have been William III’s longcase movement no.275 of c.1696, but that becomes unlikely, as that royal example has a ‘special’ Type 3 case and was therefore not finished until after this example in c.1698/9 (see ‘special’ Type 3 longcases on p.181). The other two surviving movements can also be ruled out as possible inspiration; as the earlier Royal Exchange Tompion no.131 of c.1688 has a different assembly with three quarter-bells, while the Pearson Tompion, no.387 (from this collection, exhibit no.36, p.178) does have a similar hammer arrangement, but is of a later date, c.1703. As Tompion’s spring driven Grande Sonnerie clocks share similar assemblies, it could have been one of those that Gould inspected (although later, see The Habsburg Tompion, no.410), or perhaps there was another weight driven clock from the series that has either been lost, or remains to be discovered? An alternative possibility, not previously considered, is that Gould was an occasional outworker for Tompion.

Gould’s ‘special’ Type 2 ‘Tompion’ case
The argument for ‘inspiration’ or even ‘association’ becomes even stronger when looking at the case, as Gould was evidently motivated to go to the same casemaker as Tompion to order a Tompion-type ‘special’ case for this, his most complex movement. The case’s construction, arrangement and mouldings are directly comparable to Tompion’s, very particular, Type 2 longcase format – so close as to be able to make a definitive attribution. Indeed, it is logical that when fulfilling an undoubtedly supremely valuable commission such as this, Gould would have gone to an experienced casemaker’s workshop where similar format ‘special’ cases had been made before and, in this instance, who already held the scratch-mould tooling for the longcases being produced for Tompion.

To keep costs as low as possible but not compromise on the quality of his clocks, we can see from Tompion’s number series that he made his movements and dials in batches and held stocks of both, in completed and part finished states. Furthermore, it has already been established that Tompion ordered his cases in similarity to his own workshop practices (see Thomas Tompion 300 Years, ‘A Study of Tompion’s Domestic Clocks’, 2013), whereby standard cases were ‘at the ready’ for completion with finishes ‘to order’ that were multitudinous, from veneers to caddy shapes, but to save time and money, all these cases were fundamentally based on the same carcass construction of a Type that was concurrent with their date of manufacture, all of which is apparent in the assembly and finish of this Gould case.

In c.1697 Tompion changed from his Type 2 (without a dial mask) to his Type 3 longcase format, but it was not immediate and valuable stock of the old format was used up first, as was his usual practice. Component parts, such as hardware, were treated in the same manner and at this time Tompion introduced a new pattern of decorative, chamfered-scroll, brass hinge, to partially replace his iron hinges, and these needed five knuckles to compensate for the use of a less hard-wearing metal, as seen here on the trunk door. Tompion was just starting to use 12 inch dial apertures as standard for his longcases which is also found on the present example, while each of the glazed apertures here are framed using Tompion’s familiar and distinct long-grain ogee stepped mouldings. Meanwhile the carcass of the added superstructure is of pine, similar to Tompion’s cases, but not necessarily found as standard in other cases of the period, whose superstructures were often integral to the hood using an oak carcass. Conclusively, the present four-sided caddy top, with pedestal cut-outs and ‘Regal’ flat front-and-back bell-shaped upstand, are all directly comparable, and otherwise exclusive to Tompion’s and his casemaker’s output, furthermore they are most usually found on his ‘special’ longcases (this Gould case can be similarly categorised as ‘special’), such as the Neville Tompion, no.207, with a Type 2 case of c.1692.

The main case moulding application in comparison to Tompion’s numbered series, can also be used to assist with the dating of this clock; the throat mouldings are a veneered convex that remained in use on Tompion’s earliest Type 3 examples until c.1698/99, while the use of cyma-block mouldings found here to crown the base were also phased out at that time, when veneered concave mouldings were introduced to both throat and base mouldings. In apparent confirmation of this earlier dating, when Tompion first introduced concave throat and base mouldings, his ‘special’ longcases were given an additional ‘step’ moulding below the cornice, as well as a second frieze above (see right, and ‘special’ Type 3 longcases on p.181, The Pearson Tompion no.387, exhibit no.36), which are, quite correctly, not present on the current Gould ‘special’ Type 2 case.

Tompion’s casemaker added the caddy later in the making process, and its complexity would have been reflected in its cost, while final veneer and banding choice would have been of the customers own choosing. By the time this case was made in c.1697, ‘mulberry’ veneers were already in use elsewhere, but from known surviving examples, the current Gould case apparently marks the start of a small number of substantiated ‘mulberry’ cases commissioned by Tompion from his casemaker, listed below and all are ‘special’ clocks:

The Guggenheim Tompion, no.223, started in c.1693, but with an early Type 3 case, sharing similar convex throat and cyma-block base mouldings to the Gould, but having an extra caddy frieze, indicating it was not completed until c.1698, just after the present Gould clock but before his ‘special’ type 3 cases in c.1698/9.
The Mostyn Tompion longcase, no.347, c.1700. Type 3 case with concave main mouldings and a ‘special’ extra step below the cornice (Thomas Tompion 300 Years, p.466-467 and 518-521);
The Mulberry Tompion, no.371, c.1702. Type 3 longcase with concave main mouldings and a ‘special’ extra step below the cornice (British Museum, inv. 1958, 1006.2131);
The Abergervenny Tompion, no.412, started in c.1704, but the dial indicates it was not finished and cased until c.1709/10, Type 3 longcase with concave main mouldings and a ‘special’ extra step below the cornice, but also with architectural raised panels (Thomas Tompion 300 Years, p.532-533)..

In similarity to Gould’s ‘mulberry’ case, the Guggenheim, Mostyn and Mulberry Tompions share the same special ‘Regal’ flat front-and-back bell-shaped upstand to their caddies. The Mostyn Tompion longcase has no inlay, the Mulberry Tompion has line inlays in a simple geometric pattern, while the Abergervenny Tompion is unique with raised architectural panels.
The particular choice here by Gould of Princes-wood cross-banding, strung by ebony and boxwood, is also found on the closest example, the Guggenheim Tompion of c.1698, which although Type 3, has convex throat and cyma-block base mouldings and pre-dates Tompion’s introduction of a second ‘special’ step moulding below the cornice in 1698/9. However, with the exception of the trunk door, the veneer banding layout is otherwise completely comparable to this Gould Type 2 case. Prior to oxidization and mellowing over 300 years, the colour combination found here would originally have been absolutely stunning, perhaps even rather gaudy to the modern eye; the ‘mulberry’ would have been the brightest yellow with flecks of deep black, all highly contrasted by the purplish red, Princes-wood banding, framed by the bright white and black of the boxwood and ebony.

In conclusion, the overall construction of this case is of Tompion’s ‘special’ Type 2 format (c.1691-c.1697) with an original hood dial access door, but no mask and, in this instance, a transitional forward sliding hood that indicates it was produced right on the cusp of the introduction of Tompion’s Type 3 cases. On the understanding that a casemaker would be unlikely to change his methodology and tooling for a single case order, one can reasonably safely conclude that this Type 2 case was very likely manufactured by Tompion’s casemaker just as the Type 3 cases were being introduced in c.1697. As this case was made in the same workshop, it can also be compared directly with those from Tompion’s oeuvre and, surprisingly, one discovers that this example apparently pre-dates all currently known substantiated Tompion ‘mulberry’ cases. So, while Gould’s movement may have been inspired by Tompion’s Grande Sonnerie series, it seems Tompion’s use of sensational ‘mulberry’ veneers may have been inspired by Gould, and this ‘special’ commissioned Type 2 case surpassing Tompion.

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Product Description

Christopher Gould (active from 1682, died 1718)
It is not known when, where or to whom Gould was born, but a clue may be given by an apprentice he took later, Charles Gould in 1701, who may have been a relation and was from Middlemarsh in Dorset, the son of a blacksmith. Gould’s first entry into the Clockmakers’ was as a Free brother in 1682, presumably by redemption, and named as a Great (Turret) clockmaker which, like his possible relation, hints at a smithing background. Gould’s known signed work is of invariably of high quality, as is testified by this exceptional longcase clock. By 1701, he was working near the north east corner of the Royal exchange. He was made Beadle in 1713 and from that time he received regular Clockmakers’ charity (pension) until he died in 1718, when his wife was chosen as pensioner in his place. Loomes states that it seems strange that such a prolific and competent worker should have been such a poor man, but this may have been the result of a long term illness, perhaps similar to his contemporary and close neighbour, Daniel Quare, for whom he may well have worked and whose eyesight suffered in latter years. A correspondent in the Ipswich Journal of March 1756, wrote that he was once in Quare’s shop, while I was discoursing with the Master of it, about a small Improvement in Watches, not in the Movement Part, but in the striking … but Quare could not take it well, having just then lost his Sight. In contrast, Quare had accumulated both wealth and a widespread reputation, and his affliction may have been a primary reason for taking on a business partner, Stephen Horseman, in c.1717/18, which enabled his business to continue and prosper while he was alive, despite his condition.

Gould’s exceptional Grande Sonnerie longcase
This highly complex and magnificently cased clock by Christopher Gould is exemplary; the full Grande Sonnerie movement is his masterstroke, while the case is about as fine and impressive as one can find at this period. The high cost and inherent risk of making such a magnificent clock on spec, means it could only have been borne as a specially ordered commission and, very clearly, no expense was spared by Gould’s patron, so much so, that in the Huygens’ Legacy catalogue of 2003, this clock is described as having a case surpassing Tompion.

Adam Bowett explains the process of achieving a ‘mulberry’ finish in Furniture History, vol. XXXIX, 2003, ‘Labeled Furniture from the White Swan Workshop (1711-1735)’: ‘This technique involved the cutting of the roots of the field maple tree into veneers, laying the veneers down onto the carcase and then pouring sulphuric acid onto the veneers to open up the grain. With the grain open a mixture of soot and oil was rubbed into the grain to obtain the desired marbleised effect. The veneer was then sealed with a polish and waxed. It was generally thought that the desire for a marbleised effect arose as a result of people seeing, on the Grand Tour, the fashion of the Italian cabinet makers of making furniture out of marble.’

Thus the comment from Huygens’ Legacy is quite understandable and, taken together with elements of the movement, one wonders whether Gould might have had sight of one of Tompion’s Grande Sonnerie longcase clocks? As one would expect, Gould’s movement is constructed using his own layout and techniques; from differently ordered trains and Strike/Silent facility above XII, down to the basics such as the nine pinned pillars holding the plates. Nonetheless, Gould’s handling of the bridged stand for the six quarter-bells and its multi-piece hammer assembly with cusp shaping is similar enough to Tompion’s movements to question whether it was designed completely ‘by chance’. However, only three surviving Tompion Grande Sonnerie longcases are currently recorded; nos. 131, 275 and 387 (see p.178). On the face of it, it could conceivably have been William III’s longcase movement no.275 of c.1696, but that becomes unlikely, as that royal example has a ‘special’ Type 3 case and was therefore not finished until after this example in c.1698/9 (see ‘special’ Type 3 longcases on p.181). The other two surviving movements can also be ruled out as possible inspiration; as the earlier Royal Exchange Tompion no.131 of c.1688 has a different assembly with three quarter-bells, while the Pearson Tompion, no.387 (from this collection, exhibit no.36, p.178) does have a similar hammer arrangement, but is of a later date, c.1703. As Tompion’s spring driven Grande Sonnerie clocks share similar assemblies, it could have been one of those that Gould inspected (although later, see The Habsburg Tompion, no.410), or perhaps there was another weight driven clock from the series that has either been lost, or remains to be discovered? An alternative possibility, not previously considered, is that Gould was an occasional outworker for Tompion.

Gould’s ‘special’ Type 2 ‘Tompion’ case
The argument for ‘inspiration’ or even ‘association’ becomes even stronger when looking at the case, as Gould was evidently motivated to go to the same casemaker as Tompion to order a Tompion-type ‘special’ case for this, his most complex movement. The case’s construction, arrangement and mouldings are directly comparable to Tompion’s, very particular, Type 2 longcase format – so close as to be able to make a definitive attribution. Indeed, it is logical that when fulfilling an undoubtedly supremely valuable commission such as this, Gould would have gone to an experienced casemaker’s workshop where similar format ‘special’ cases had been made before and, in this instance, who already held the scratch-mould tooling for the longcases being produced for Tompion.

To keep costs as low as possible but not compromise on the quality of his clocks, we can see from Tompion’s number series that he made his movements and dials in batches and held stocks of both, in completed and part finished states. Furthermore, it has already been established that Tompion ordered his cases in similarity to his own workshop practices (see Thomas Tompion 300 Years, ‘A Study of Tompion’s Domestic Clocks’, 2013), whereby standard cases were ‘at the ready’ for completion with finishes ‘to order’ that were multitudinous, from veneers to caddy shapes, but to save time and money, all these cases were fundamentally based on the same carcass construction of a Type that was concurrent with their date of manufacture, all of which is apparent in the assembly and finish of this Gould case.

In c.1697 Tompion changed from his Type 2 (without a dial mask) to his Type 3 longcase format, but it was not immediate and valuable stock of the old format was used up first, as was his usual practice. Component parts, such as hardware, were treated in the same manner and at this time Tompion introduced a new pattern of decorative, chamfered-scroll, brass hinge, to partially replace his iron hinges, and these needed five knuckles to compensate for the use of a less hard-wearing metal, as seen here on the trunk door. Tompion was just starting to use 12 inch dial apertures as standard for his longcases which is also found on the present example, while each of the glazed apertures here are framed using Tompion’s familiar and distinct long-grain ogee stepped mouldings. Meanwhile the carcass of the added superstructure is of pine, similar to Tompion’s cases, but not necessarily found as standard in other cases of the period, whose superstructures were often integral to the hood using an oak carcass. Conclusively, the present four-sided caddy top, with pedestal cut-outs and ‘Regal’ flat front-and-back bell-shaped upstand, are all directly comparable, and otherwise exclusive to Tompion’s and his casemaker’s output, furthermore they are most usually found on his ‘special’ longcases (this Gould case can be similarly categorised as ‘special’), such as the Neville Tompion, no.207, with a Type 2 case of c.1692.

The main case moulding application in comparison to Tompion’s numbered series, can also be used to assist with the dating of this clock; the throat mouldings are a veneered convex that remained in use on Tompion’s earliest Type 3 examples until c.1698/99, while the use of cyma-block mouldings found here to crown the base were also phased out at that time, when veneered concave mouldings were introduced to both throat and base mouldings. In apparent confirmation of this earlier dating, when Tompion first introduced concave throat and base mouldings, his ‘special’ longcases were given an additional ‘step’ moulding below the cornice, as well as a second frieze above (see right, and ‘special’ Type 3 longcases on p.181, The Pearson Tompion no.387, exhibit no.36), which are, quite correctly, not present on the current Gould ‘special’ Type 2 case.

Tompion’s casemaker added the caddy later in the making process, and its complexity would have been reflected in its cost, while final veneer and banding choice would have been of the customers own choosing. By the time this case was made in c.1697, ‘mulberry’ veneers were already in use elsewhere, but from known surviving examples, the current Gould case apparently marks the start of a small number of substantiated ‘mulberry’ cases commissioned by Tompion from his casemaker, listed below and all are ‘special’ clocks:

The Guggenheim Tompion, no.223, started in c.1693, but with an early Type 3 case, sharing similar convex throat and cyma-block base mouldings to the Gould, but having an extra caddy frieze, indicating it was not completed until c.1698, just after the present Gould clock but before his ‘special’ type 3 cases in c.1698/9.
The Mostyn Tompion longcase, no.347, c.1700. Type 3 case with concave main mouldings and a ‘special’ extra step below the cornice (Thomas Tompion 300 Years, p.466-467 and 518-521);
The Mulberry Tompion, no.371, c.1702. Type 3 longcase with concave main mouldings and a ‘special’ extra step below the cornice (British Museum, inv. 1958, 1006.2131);
The Abergervenny Tompion, no.412, started in c.1704, but the dial indicates it was not finished and cased until c.1709/10, Type 3 longcase with concave main mouldings and a ‘special’ extra step below the cornice, but also with architectural raised panels (Thomas Tompion 300 Years, p.532-533)..

In similarity to Gould’s ‘mulberry’ case, the Guggenheim, Mostyn and Mulberry Tompions share the same special ‘Regal’ flat front-and-back bell-shaped upstand to their caddies. The Mostyn Tompion longcase has no inlay, the Mulberry Tompion has line inlays in a simple geometric pattern, while the Abergervenny Tompion is unique with raised architectural panels.
The particular choice here by Gould of Princes-wood cross-banding, strung by ebony and boxwood, is also found on the closest example, the Guggenheim Tompion of c.1698, which although Type 3, has convex throat and cyma-block base mouldings and pre-dates Tompion’s introduction of a second ‘special’ step moulding below the cornice in 1698/9. However, with the exception of the trunk door, the veneer banding layout is otherwise completely comparable to this Gould Type 2 case. Prior to oxidization and mellowing over 300 years, the colour combination found here would originally have been absolutely stunning, perhaps even rather gaudy to the modern eye; the ‘mulberry’ would have been the brightest yellow with flecks of deep black, all highly contrasted by the purplish red, Princes-wood banding, framed by the bright white and black of the boxwood and ebony.

In conclusion, the overall construction of this case is of Tompion’s ‘special’ Type 2 format (c.1691-c.1697) with an original hood dial access door, but no mask and, in this instance, a transitional forward sliding hood that indicates it was produced right on the cusp of the introduction of Tompion’s Type 3 cases. On the understanding that a casemaker would be unlikely to change his methodology and tooling for a single case order, one can reasonably safely conclude that this Type 2 case was very likely manufactured by Tompion’s casemaker just as the Type 3 cases were being introduced in c.1697. As this case was made in the same workshop, it can also be compared directly with those from Tompion’s oeuvre and, surprisingly, one discovers that this example apparently pre-dates all currently known substantiated Tompion ‘mulberry’ cases. So, while Gould’s movement may have been inspired by Tompion’s Grande Sonnerie series, it seems Tompion’s use of sensational ‘mulberry’ veneers may have been inspired by Gould, and this ‘special’ commissioned Type 2 case surpassing Tompion.

Additional information

Dimensions 5827373 cm